#4= Volume1, No. 4 = Fall 1974
      
      
      Darko Suvin
      Radical Rhapsody and Romantic Recoil in the Age of
        Anticipation: A Chapter in the History of SF
      
        Let's be realistic—let's demand the impossible. —Anonymus
          Sorbonensis, May 1968.
        The really philosophical writers invent the true, by
          analogy.... —Balzac.
    
      It seems most useful to define SF not by its thematic field,
        potentially unlimited, but by aspects that are always present in it. For any SF
        story these aspects are radically different agents (figures, dramatis
          personae) and/or a radically different scene (existential context, locus).
        To use a key term of the formalist critics, most successfully developed by
        Brecht, such radically different aspects of a narrative make it appear strange;
        implying the possibility of new technological, sociological, biological, even
        philosophical sets of norms, the narrative in turn estranges the author's and
        reader's own empirical environment. As opposed to "naturalistic"
        ("mimetic" or "mundane") fiction, which aims at holding the
        mirror up to nature, SF is an estranged literary genre. The reason for
        its existence is a radically different, strange and estranging, newness.
      Since certain other genres use the attitude of estrangement,
        they are sometimes hybridized with SF and sometimes confused with it. The
        mythological tale sees fixed, supernaturally determined relations under the flux
        of human fortunes. This mythical static constancy is to SF an illusion, usually
        a fraud, at best only an arrested realization of the dynamic possibilities of
        life. Myth asks ahistorically about The Man and The World. SF asks, What kind of
        man?, In what kind of world?, and Why such a man (or indeed non-man) in such a
        world? Myth absolutizes apparently constant relationships from periods of
        sluggish social development. SF builds on variable processes from the great
        whirlpool periods of history, such as the 16-17th and 19-20th centuries. It is
        committed to a cognitive and critical approach which is blood brother to
        the scientific method; though SF could and did appear long before Descartes,
        this commitment is the rational kernel to the assertion that it is a
        "scientific fiction."
      If SF is defined by the interaction of cognition and
        estrangement, if it is a literature of possible and reasonable wonder or cognitive
          estrangement, then— notwithstanding all sterile hybridizations—it is
        fundamentally different from the genres derived from myth: the fairy tale, the
        horror story, or what is now called heroic fantasy, which are all concerned with
        the irruption of anti-cognitive laws into the author's empirical environment or
        with worlds in which such laws hold sway. SF, on the other hand, shares with
        "naturalistic" fiction the basic rule that man's destiny is man—other
        humans (or psychozoa) and their devices and institutions, powerful but
        understandable by reason and methodical doubt and therefore changeable. In SF,
        then, the radically different agents and scenes are still agents and scenes of
        the human world.1
      
        Historically SF arose from the blending of utopian hopes and
        fears with popularizations of the social and natural sciences in the adventure-journey,
        the "extraordinary voyage," with its catalogue of wonders that appear
        along Ulysses' or Nemo's way. Modem SF thus has its antecedents in such
        historical forms as the Blessed Island Tale, the utopia, the "planetary
        novel" of the 17th and 18th centuries, the Rationalist "state
        novel," the Romantic blueprint and anti-utopia, the Vernean
        "scientific novel," and the Wellsian "scientific romance."
        In spite of their differences, this sequence of types amounts to a coherent
        tradition (the writers in the line of, say, Lucian, Orle, Rabelais, Cyrano,
        Swift, M. Shelley, Verne, Wells, Zamiatin, Stapledon were aware of its unity).2
        It constitutes a literature of cognitive estrangement or wonder, an SF genre
        with various sub-genres, all of which use the old rhetorical trope of "the
        impossibilities" (impossibilia) in a new and triumphant fusion with
        the equally old notion of the wished-for land or time; a genre in which
        autonomous worlds are opposed to the author's empirical environment either in
        explicit detail, as a "world upside down" (existentially in the
        Cockaigne tales, politically in the utopias, etc.), or in implicit parallel, as
        satirical or playful wonder testifying to radical other possibilities, or both.
        Its significant texts group themselves in distinct clusters, where different
        historical purposes developed the basic SF form into different sub-genres, from
        the oral tales and ancient classics, through the clusters of 1510-1660,
        1770-1830, and 1880-1910, to the cluster of the last 35 years. In between, for
        this is a subversive tradition, it was driven underground (e.g., the oral
        literature and hermetical apocrypha of the Middle Ages), or into exile (e.g.,
        French SF after the Fronde), or into the disreputable organs of sub-literature
        (e.g., the U.S. pulp magazines of the period between the wars). SF thus belongs—like
        many types of humor—to that popular literature which spread through centuries
        by word of mouth and other unofficial channels, penetrating into officially
        accepted literature only at rare favorable moments; when it did penetrate,
        however, it produced masterpieces which were sufficient to establish a tenuous
        yet potent intellectual tradition. Having been sustained by subordinate social
        groups, with whom it achieved and then lost historical legitimacy, this iceberg
        character of SF, only a fraction showing above the silent surface of officially
        recorded culture, is thus the result of class tensions.
      If SF is historically part and parcel of a submerged or
        popular "lower literature" expressing the yearnings of repressed
        social groups, it is understandable that its major breakthroughs to the cultural
        surface should happen in the periods of sudden social convulsion, such as the
        age of the bourgeois-democratic and industrial revolutions, incubating in
        western Europe since More and Bacon, breaking out at the end of the 18th
        century, and continuing into the 19th. The imaginative horizon or locus
        of estrangement in SF shifts radically at this time. Hitherto located in a space
          existing alongside the author's empirical environment (i.e., an alternative
        island whose radical otherness and/or debunking parody put that environment into
        question), SF in the 18th century turns increasingly to a time into which
        the author's age might evolve. A wished-for or feared future becomes the new
        space of the cognitive imagination, no doubt in intimate connection with the
        shift from the social power of land to that of capital based on labor sold and
        profit gained in that time which—as the new slogan said—is money. In the
        19th century, time finally froze "into an exactly delimited, quantifiable
        continuum, filled with quantifiable 'things' [and thus] it becomes space";3
        and quantified natural science made social change in one lifetime the rule
        rather than the exception. In this essay we shall see that the high price of a
        success of the industrial revolution which was linked to a failure of social
        revolutions led SF from the radical blueprints and rhapsodies of Mercier,
        Condorcet, Babeuf, Saint-Simon, Fourier, Blake, and Shelley to the Romantic
        recoil from harsh reality and internalization of suffering in Mary Shelley,
        Hawthorne, Poe, and Melville.
      1. RADICAL RHAPSODY. When time is the ocean on whose further
        shore the alternative life is situated, Jerusalem can be latent in England:
      
        
          
            I will not cease from mental strife,  
            Nor shall by sword sleep in my hand, 
            Till we have built Jerusalem 
            In England's green and pleasant land.
          
          
    
      Blake's Preface to Milton fuses a strong collective
        activism with the Biblical tradition of such future horizons: "Jerusalem is
        called Liberty among the children of Albion" (Jerusalem §54). In
        the Bible, old Hebraic communism—the desert tradition of prizing men above
        possessions—intermittently gives rise to expectations of a time when everyone
        shall "buy wine and milk without money and without price" (Isaiah) and
        when "nation shall not lift up sword against nation...but they shall sit
        every man under his vine and under his fig tree; and none shall make them
        afraid" (Micah), even to "a new Heavens and a new Earth: and the
        former shall not be remembered, nor come into mind" (Isaiah). Christ's
        communism of love was resolutely turned toward such a millennium. Throughout the
        intervening centuries, heretic sects and plebeian revolts kept this longing
        alive. Joachim Di Fiore announced a new age without church, state, or
        possessions, when the flesh shall again be sinless and Christ dissolved into a
        community of friends. By way of the 17th-century religious revolutionaries this
        tradition led to Blake. His age witnesses a new, lay prophetic line from Babeuf
        and Shelley to Marx, fusing poetry and politics and inveighing against the great
        Babylon of class-state, "the merchants of the earth" and "the
        kings of the earth who have committed fornication with her" (Revelations).
        As of then, the future is a new existential horizon corroding what Blake calls
        the "apparent surfaces" of the present, etching it in as
        unsatisfactory. As in Virgil's Fourth Eclogue, "the great succession of
        ages begins anew."
      Apart from insignificant precursors, SF anticipation began as
        part and parcel of the French Enlightenment's confidence in cognitive progress.
        Its "drawing-room communists" Mably and Morelly drew up blueprints
        transferring Plato's argument against private property from heavenly ideals into
        nature's moral laws. At the conservative end of the oppositional political
        spectrum, MERCIER's hero, who wakes up in Year 2440 (1770),4
        dwelt in the first full-fledged utopian anticipation: in it progress had led to
        constitutional government, moral and technical advances (e.g., a phonograph with
        cries of wounded is used to educate princes), and a substitution of science for
        religion. The noblest expression of such an horizon was CONDORCET's 
          Sketch...of
          The Progress of Human Mind (written in 1793) which envisaged a turning point
        in human history—the advent of a new man arising out of the "limitless
        perfectibility of the human faculties and the social order." Perfected
        institutions and scientific research would eradicate inhumanity, conquer nature
        and chance, extend human senses, and lead in an infinite progression to an
        Elysium created by reason and love for humanity. Condorcet tried to work hard
        toward such a state within the Revolution, just as did "Gracchus"
        BABEUF, in whom culminates the century of utopian activism before Marx.
        Equality, claimed Babeuf, was a lie along with Liberty and Fraternity as long as
        property (including education) is not wholly equalized through gaining power for
        the starved against the starvers. An association of men in a planned
        production and distribution without money is the only way of "chaining
        destiny," of appeasing "the perpetual disquiet of each of us about our
        tomorrows." For a great hope was spreading among the lower classes that the
        just City was only a resolute hand's grasp away, that—as Babeuf's fellow
        conspirators wrote in The Manifesto of the Equals—"The French
        Revolution is merely the forerunner of another Revolution, much greater and more
        solemn, which will be the last." Even when Babeuf as well as Condorcet was
        executed by the Jacobins and the revolution taken over by Napoleon, when
        anticipatory SF turned to blueprints of all-embracing systems eschewing
        politics, it remained wedded to the concept of humanity as association. This
        applies to Blake as well as to Saint-Simon and Fourier.
      These two great system-builders of utopian anticipation can
        here be mentioned only insofar as their approaches are found in and analogous to
        much SF. In a way, the whole subsequent history of change within and against
        capitalism has oscillated between Saint-Simon's radical social engineering and
        Fourier's radical quest for harmonious happiness, which flank Marxism on either
        side. Henri de SAINT-SIMON anticipated that only industry, "the industrial
        class" (from wage-earners to industrialists) and its organizational method
        are pertinent in the new age. The "monde renversé" where this
        "second nation" is scorned must be righted by standing the world on
        its feet again. This full reversal means, in terms of temporal orientation,
        "the great moral, poetic, and scientific operation which will shift the
        Earthly Paradise and transport it from the past into the future,"
        constituting a welfare state of increasing production and technological command
        of the whole globe by a united White civilization. This "Golden Age of the
        human species" is to be attained by "a positive Science of Man"
        permitting predictive extrapolation. Saint-Simon is the prophet of engineers and
        industrial productivity, usable equally for a regulated capitalism or an
        autocratic socialism. The Suez Canal as well as Stalin, and all SF whose hero is
        the "ideologically neutral" engineering organizer, from Verne to
        Asimov, or Bellamy to the feebler, utopian Wells, are 
        saintsimonian.
      For all his rational organizing, Saint-Simon had forsaken 18th-century
        Rationalism by answering the Swiftian question "What is man?" in terms
        of economic life rather than of "nature" and "natural
        rights," even if he then retreated to positing three separate human natures
        or psychophysiological classes—rational, administrative, and emotive—whose
        representatives would form the ruling "Council of Newton," the college
        of cardinals of his "New Christianity." Charles FOURIER based a
        radically humanized economy entirely upon a complex series of desires.
        Civilization "thwarted and falsified" them whereas it could and should
        have increased the gratification of all passions—sensual, collective (desires
        for respect, friendship, love, and a reconstituted family), or
        "serial" (desires for faction, variety, and unity). It is a world
        turned inside out (monde à rebours) in which the physician has to hope
        for "good fevers," the builder for "good fires," and the
        priest for "the good dead"; in which family means adultery (and
        Fourier enumerates with glee 49 types of cuckold), riches bankruptcy, and work a
        constraint; in which property ruins the proprietor, abundance leads to
        unemployment, and the machine to hunger. Against this Fourier elaborated a
        method of "absolute deviation" which was to lead to a world where both
        work and human relations would be a matter of "passionate attraction."
        Men and their passions are not equal but immensely varied, like notes in the
        harmonic scale, colors in the spectrum, or dishes at a gastronomic banquet, and
        have to be skillfully composed in a "calculus of the Destinies."
        Corresponding to the potential harmony of the "social movement" are
        series of animal, vegetable, geometric, and cosmic relationships. Thus there
        will be 18 different creations on Earth in this passional cosmology; ours is the
        first and worst, having to traverse five horrible stages from Savagery down to
        Civilization before ascending through "Guarantism" (the economico-sexual
        welfare state of federated productive associations or phalanstères) to
        Harmony. At that point humanity will have cleansed the Earth of sexual and
        economic repression, illnesses, nations, the sundering of production from
        consumption, and the struggle for existence; and the Earth—itself a living
        being in love with another bisexual planet—will respond by melting the polar
        ice, turning the oceans into something like lemonade (all this elaborately
        justified by physics), and producing useful "anti-beasts" such as the
        anti-lion, as well as new senses for men. The blessed life of Harmony and the
        succeeding 16 creations (the last one seeing the end of the globe) will turn the
        procedures of class and power inside out: courts and priests will be Courts of
        Love and priesthoods of sex; armies will clean, plant, and reconstruct; work
        will become play and art, and "abnormality" the mainspring of society.
        Fourier's shattering interplay of maniacal poetry and ironical dialectics,
        rooted in the deep longings of the classes crushed by commerce and industry, in
        a genuine folk imagination with its immense strengths and foibles, will reappear
        in garden cities and kibbutzin, communes and "retribalization." In his
        exemplary scenes and characters—such as Nero becoming a respected butcher in
        Harmony, much like Rabelais's King Anarch—he is himself writing warm SF. It
        will be followed in the rare but precious visions fusing relativist
        sociopolitics, erotics, and cosmology in SF, from Shelley through Stapledon to
        Le Guin.
      Blake's and Shelley's imaginations, in spite of their
        dissimilar traditions, often run astoundingly parallel to this contemporary of
        theirs. They too rejected the orthodox division of man into body versus soul and
        of society into classes, as well as the merely given "human form."
        BLAKE championed Man's individual and collective "imaginative body"
        rising as a giant into a projected free fulfillment simultaneously economic,
        sexual, and creative. The hypocritic and cruel civilization of Church, Army,
        Palace, and Merchant, with its principle of selfhood, creates jealous
        possessiveness over children and women, shame of sexual love, and slavery to
        hunger and toil. Money, the cement of this fallen society, murders the poor by
        stunting and the rich by corrupting their imaginative needs, thus engendering
        sterility. Therefore Blake sang the American and French revolutions in his
        Promethean "Orc cycle" of the 1790s—from The French Revolution,
          America, and Europe to The Four Zoas—which announced the end
        of post-Genesis history and the advent of a new divine Man in a realm of freedom
        (a term Marx too was to use). Revolution is identical with imagination and life,
        and absolutely unavoidable; but if its beginning is in politics, its end is in a
        joyous Joachimite Jerusalem where the body personal and the body politic shall
        have been redeemed. However, as the American and French experiences turned to
        bourgeois rule and aggressive conquests, and as English repression grew
        virulent, Blake's earlier work remained unpublished and unfinished. Orc aged
        into his Rationalist sky-god antagonist Urizen, and Blake came to stress
        timeless religious apocalypse and pragmatic compensation through art in place of
        the imminent passage through the Earthly Paradise of sexuality and benevolent
        nature to the Eden of creativity. His fantasies of cosmogonic history read like
        a gigantic inventory of later "far out" SF, from Stapledon and E.E.
        Smith to Arthur Clarke and van Vogt. But as different from their impoverished
        strainings into cosmic sensations, even the most opaque pseudomythology of the
        later Blake retains the estranging principle of "twofold vision" which
        sees the unfallen world within the fallen one, and the cognitive orientation of
        an "Innocence [that] dwells with Wisdom." In his last year, amid the
        bread riots, he persisted in his Biblical communism: "Give us the bread
        that is our due and right, by taking away money, or a price, or tax upon what is
        Common to all in thy Kingdom."
      SHELLEY, younger than Blake and from a higher social class,
        and irrevocably opposed to Christianity, which he saw as tyranny, marked the
        orienting of revolutionary toward political parable and vision rather than
        mythical form, toward Hellenic, Shakespearean, and scientific rather than
        Biblical or Miltonic traditions. His first major work, Queen Mab (1813),
        is an embattled vision of humanity's past, present, and future which draws on
        contemporary natural sciences, the philosophes such as Condorcet, and
        their English systematizer William Godwin for the future ideally perfectible
        society. Godwin's Political Justice, invoking Plato, More, and Swift's
        Houyhnhnms, pleaded for the equalization of property so that men could change
        their character, abandon war and monogamous family, and finally become immortal
        by the control of mind over matter. Shelley fleshes out such a Rationalist
        anarchism in his anticipation of a harmonious Earth rejoicing in the perpetual
        Spring of a fertile and gentle Nature, where "All things are recreated, and
        the flame / Of consentaneous love inspires all life" (§8:106-08). In the
        notes to Queen Mab, Shelley develops his views both on labor as the sole
        source of wealth, which could be reduced to two hours daily, and on the change
        of Earth's aids and the speeding up of the mind's perception to vanquish time by
        "an infinite number of ideas in a minute." Such horizons, as well as
        the poem's forceful attacks on the ruling political tyranny, capitalist
        selfishness and corruption, and church and religion, made Queen Mab, in
        spite of legal persecution, the bible of English working-class radicalism from
        Owenites to Chartists and beyond.
      Queen Mab is the concluding chord in the great sequence
        of societal and cosmic anticipations accompanying the democratic revolutions in
        America and France. From Diderot and Condorcet to Blake and almost all the
        European romantics, two generations shared the expectation of an imminent
        millennium of peace, freedom, and brotherhood:
      
        
          Not in Utopia—subterranean fields—  
          Or some secreted island,
           Heaven knows where!
          But in the very world, which is the world     
          Of all of us—the place where, in the end, 
          We find our happiness, or not at all! 
          —Wordsworth, The Prelude §11:140-44.
        
    
      But the revulsion from the results of the revolutions
        "was terrible," observed Shelley in the Preface to The Revolt of
          Islam (1818): "Thus, many of the most ardent and tender hearted...have
        been morally ruined by what a partial glimpse of the events they deplored
        appeared to show as the melancholy desolation of all their cherished hopes.
        Hence gloom and misanthropy have become the characteristics of the age in which
        we live, the solace of a disappointment that unconsciously finds relief only in
        the willful exaggeration of its own despair." The shift of SF location from
        space to the present or immediate future, we can now see, was arrested and re-channelled
        either back into timelessness or into the staking out of anticipation in distant
        futures. These alternatives develop into different, twin but opposed, genres and
        atmospheres. A fantasy more tenuous, internalized, and horrific than that
        of the later Blake emerges as a new shudder and genre in Romantic melodrama,
        tale, and narrative poem. (In particular, Coleridge's Ancient Mariner,
        using both scientific observations and the polar voyage as metaphor for the
        breakdown of human relationships in an alienating society, had a profound effect
        on Mary Shelley and Poe, and through them on much subsequent SF.) On the other
        hand, Shelley is (together with Fourier) the great poetic forerunner of the SF extrapolative
          anticipation saved from arid political or natural-science didacticism by
        also being a parabolic analogy. In the hands of poets, whether in verse
        or prose, such analogy, simultaneously collective and intimate, has cosmic
        pretensions over and beyond sociopolitical (later also technological)
        anticipation.
      The Revolt of Islam itself is an "alternative
        history," the account of a loving pacifist-revolutionary couple who are
        defeated politically but not ruined morally because they keep faith with their
        personal love as well as with the future vision of "divine Equality"
        (§5:3). Laon and Cythna must die in this "Winter of the world," but
        "Spring comes, though we must, who made / The promise of its birth"
        (§9:25). Parallel to the satirical comedy Swellfoot the Tyrant, a
        sarcastic political travesty of King Oedipus as beast-fable, Shelley's
        culminating statement comes in Prometheus Unbound (1820). This
        "lyrical drama" is a delicately tough parable in which Prometheus
        stands for Humanity that created evil in the shape of its oppressor Jupiter, but
        also for intellect and intellectuals as champions of the oppressed. In order to
        escape the fate of the French Revolution, or of Blake's Orc, Prometheus
        renounces hate in spite of the torments by Furies, who stand for the forces of
        court, church, war, commerce, and law, but also for ethical torments and
        despondency: political and ethical tenor are convertible in this multiply woven
        "fable." Jupiter is thereupon toppled by Demogorgon (the subterranean
        and plebeian titanic Necessity of nature and society, associated with subversive
        volcanic and earthquake imagery), who has been contacted by Prometheus's bride
        Asia, standing for Love or overriding human sympathy. Necessity, Love, and
        Hercules (Strength and armed insurrection) liberate Prometheus, and thus bring
        about the transformation of society to "Fortunate isles," a renewed
        life where evil and ugly masks have been stripped off all nature, and man
        remains
      
        
          Scepterless, free, uncircumscribed, but man 
          Equal, unclassed, tribeless, and nationless, 
          Exempt from awe, worship, degree, the king 
          Over himself; just, gentle, wise.... 
          (§3:4:194-98)
        
    
      In the final act, even this Earthly Paradise is after "an
        hundred ages" superseded by Time stopping in a full unfolding of human
        psychic and cosmic potentiality. The universe too becomes Promethean, and the
        newly warmed and habitable Moon sings a paean of praise to redeemed Earth in a
        lyrical finale of surpassing power, imbued with the peculiarly Shelleian
        "Liquid splendour," often in images of vivifying electricity.
      Shelley's expressionist lyricism, using poetic abstraction as
        an "intelligible and beautiful analogy" with the most precise
        apprehensions of mind and nature and their most sensitive historical
        oscillations, gives poetry the power to comprehend all knowledge. Politics,
        cosmology, and natural sciences such as chemistry, electricity, and astronomy
        are potential liberators of humanity, equally based on labor and Promethean
        thought:
      
        
          Our toil from thought all glorious forms shall cull
          To make this Earth, our home, more beautiful, 
          And Science, and her sister, Poesy,
          Shall clothe in light the fields and cities of the free!
          
            
          
          Revolt of Islam §5:51:5.
        
    
      And humanity cannot be whole again (he resolutely agreed with
        Mary Wollstonecraft) until the state is abolished where "Woman as the bond-slave
        dwells / Of man a slave; and life is poisoned in its wells" (Ibid. §8:13).
        Parallel to this poetry of cognition, Shelley's estrangement is the most
        delicate yet vigorous personal emotion at the sight of life enslaved,
        approaching it always "with a fresh wonder and an insatiable
        indignation";5 e.g., the line "Hell is a city much like
        London" (Peter Bell the Third §3:1) is quite Swiftian. Often at the
        limits of the expressible—"With thoughts too swift and strong for one
        lone human breast" (Revolt of Islam §9:33)—Shelley's insight into
        scientific and political thought as strife and sympathy between man, planetary
        nature, and time, makes Prometheus Unbound "one of the few great
        philosophical poems in English."6 The opus culminating in this
        poem—strongly imbued with political anticipation, Lucretian cosmic and
        anthropological speculation, and utopian romance such as Paltock's Peter
          Wilkins (1750) and J.H. Lawrence's feminist Empire of the Nairs
        (1801)—is proof that SF can be supreme poetry, and vice versa.
      2. ROMANTIC RECOIL. Although MARY SHELLEY was the daughter of
        two radical writers, Godwin (mentioned above) and the feminist Mary
        Wollstonecraft, and wrote Frankenstein, or The Modern Prometheus even
        while her husband was preparing himself for Prometheus Unbound, yet in
        this revealingly flawed hybrid of horror tale and philosophical SF she expresses
        with considerable force the widespread recoil from Promethean utopianism, the
        "disappointment that unconsciously finds relief only in the willful
        exaggeration of its own despair," which was to become a dominant tendency
        in subsequent English-language SF. The novel's theme is twofold: Frankenstein's
        creation of artificial life is the vehicle for a parable on the fate of an
        alienated representative individual—his Creature (called "monster"
        only twice, I think, in the entire book). A series of paradoxes and
        contradictions emerges from the opposition of these two themes and characters.
      Victor Frankenstein's theme shapes a horror tale about the
        attitudes of modern "objective" science. It is not quite anti-scientific,
        but is recounted as an awful warning to Walton, the explorer of icy polar
        regions, not to pursue discovery unless solitary imagination is allied to warm
        fellow-feeling. Walton's "belief in the marvelous," though fed by
        Romantic poetry, science, and utopian travel dreams, merely hurried him
        "out of the common pathways of men" and rendered him friendless;
        parallel to this, Frankenstein has spurned the study of language and politics,
        recapitulating in his personal history the exclusion of "human
        sciences" from post-Baconian science. Just as Walton is ruthlessly prepared
        to sacrifice his crew and his own life for "the acquirement of
        knowledge" equated with dominion over nature in the name of an abstract
        mankind, so Frankenstein had quite scientifically concluded that "to
        examine the causes of life, we must first have recourse to death," and
        proudly gone about creating a human being with the aid of science instead of the
        traditional "divine spark" (bestowed by God or stolen from him by
        Prometheus) or the alchemical, magic elixir of life. For Percy (and presumably
        Mary) Shelley, electricity was vital energy imbued with natural human sympathy;
        Frankenstein used it instead with mathematics and charnel-house surgery. That
        his desire to break through the boundary between life and death boomerangs, in
        the Creature's killing all his dear ones and thus desolating his life, is in the
        best theological tradition; his horror and disgust when seeing his creature come
        alive would thus, as in a Gothic story, prefigure its behavior, just as its
        hideous looks would testify to its corrupt essence.
      But the Creature's pathetic story of coming to sentience and
        to consciousness of his untenable position provides an almost diametrically
        opposed point of view. His theme is both the compositional core and the real
        novelty or SF element that lifts Frankenstein above a grippingly mindless Gothic
        story. Far from being foul within, the Creature starts as an ideal 18th-century
        "noble savage," benevolent and good, loving and yearning for love. His
        terrible disappointment and alienation is that of the typical Romantic hero—of,
        as he himself points out, Goethe's Werther or a Romantically justified Miltonic
        Satan—wandering through mountains and glaciers. In the Creature this outcast
        status is projected from historical practice into biological necessity: he is
        caught between his vital spark of freedom and the iron grip of scorn and
        persecution that arises from his racial alienness. We are back on the shores of
        Houyhnhnmland as seen by Godwin: for in the Creature a "sensitive and
        rational animal" (§24), less guilty than man, is again showing up human
        history, politics, psychology, and metaphysics. These are explained in the four
        books the Creature overhears being discussed during his strange education by
        proxy:
      
        
          The strange system of human society was explained to me....
            I learned that the possessions most esteemed by your fellow creatures were
            high and unsullied descent united with riches. A man might be respected with
            only one of these advantages; but without either, he was considered...as a
            vagabond and a slave, doomed to waste his powers for the profits of the chosen
            few! And what was I?... I knew that I possessed no money, no friends, no kind
            of property. I was, besides, endued with a figure hideously deformed and
            loathsome; I was not even of the same nature as man.... Was I then a
            monster...? (§13)
        
    
      But the addition of "sensitive" to the 18th-century
        definition of man as a rational animal points to a great shift across the
        watershed of the failed democratic and the costly industrial revolution.
        Humanity is being shown up not only as irrational but also as cruel, in
        impassioned rather than satirical accents, by a suffering and wronged creature
        who wants to belong rather than be a detached and wondering observer. This shift
        exactly corresponds to the shift from far-off places to a present that should be
        radically transformed, from More's or Swift's static juxtaposition of islands
        and cities to the dynamic mutual pursuit of Frankenstein and his Creature across
        the extreme landscapes of lifeless cold and desolation, from behaviorist to
        sentimental psychology, from general human nature to historical human
        relationships. Life, the central category of the Romantics, "is opposed to
        being in the same way as movement to immobility, as time to space, as the secret
        wish to the visible expression."7
      
        This hallowed status of sentient life and its genesis was
        threatened by a capitalist use of physical sciences which substituted
        "mechanical or two-way time for history, the dissected corpse for the
        living body, dismantled units called 'individuals' for men-in-groups, or in
        general the mechanically measurable or reproducible for the inaccessible and the
        complicated and the organically whole."8 This led to a growing
        relevance of and fascination with automata as puzzling
        "doubles" of man. Before Mary Shelley, such a semi-alien twin had been
        treated either as a wondrously ingenious toy (in the 18th century) or as an
        unclean demonic manifestation (in most German Romantics); in the first case it
        belonged to "naturalistic" literature, in the second to
        horror-fantasy. The nearest approximation to an artificial creature seen both as
        perfect human loveliness and (later) as a horrible mechanical construct was
        provided by Hoffman in The Sandman (1816). But even he oscillated between
        fiends and physics, and his Olimpia was seen solely through a dazzled observer.
        Mary Shelley's Creature is not only undoubtedly alive though alien, and
        fashioned out of human material instead of the inorganic wires of puppetry, he
        is also allowed to gain our sympathy by being shown from the inside, as a
        subject degradingly treated like an object. However, because of the
        "exaggerated despair" which Shelley accurately diagnosed, not only is
        human society monstrous in its dealing with the Creature, but he too is
        "objectively" a monster—living though unnatural, sentient and
        intelligent though inhuman.
      Clearly, the two main themes and viewpoints of the novel
        contradict each other. The Creature is the moral focus of this parable, so that
        the reader cannot treat him as a Gothic monster merely vouched for by science
        instead of the supernatural. But vice versa, if one is to look at this as SF,
        important unresolved questions appear—and fundamentally, why did the Creature
        have to be hideous? Conceivably, though unconvincingly, the contrived accident
        of Frankenstein's creative haste might be discounted as just one more among the
        melodramatic contrivances and technical clumsinesses of this novel; even so, why
        should alienness have to be automatically equated with hideousness? The tenor
        and the vehicle of the parable are here startingly discrepant—a signal that
        some strong psychic censorship is at work. As Shelley suggested in the Preface
        to The Revolt of Islam, we are here dealing with a gloom and misanthropy
        rooted in the moral ruin of the revulsion from the French Revolution. The
        hypothesis that, just as in Blake and Shelley, the relationships in Frankenstein
        are symbolic both of individual psychology and collective politics explains the
        curious contradictions found in the novel. Frankenstein and the Creature are in
        some ways comparable to Freud's Ego and Id, but they are not reducible to such a
        Jekyll-Hyde relationship. The Creature is warmer and finally more intelligent
        than his creator, like Milton's Adam and Satan; nor can Freudism explain why the
        lower psychological class of Id must always be thought of as lawless and
        destructive. However, Frankenstein can be seen as an overhasty and half-baked
        Shelleyan intellectual, the Godwinian philosophe-scientist who
        "animates" the popular masses with "no kind of property" in
        hopes of a new and glorious creation, only to find—in a parable of the French
        Revolution—that persecution and injustice exacerbate them to the point of
        indiscriminate slaughter and that his Prometheanism has desolated his "most
        cherished hopes." This supplies an historical explanation for the
        Creature's only partly successful fashioning and the universal revulsion felt
        for it. It also clarifies why at the end Frankenstein can exclaim "I have
        myself been blasted in these hopes, yet another may succeed." In this view
        he was an improper Prometheus or revolutionary intellectual—a truly new one,
        with more patience and love, will be presented in Prometheus Unbound.
      Mary Shelley's other SF novel, The Last Man (1826), is
        a renewed reversal of the perspectives in Prometheus Unbound. It retains
        and interestingly details its prospects of political liberation, but reverses
        its cosmic optimism by having mankind collapse in a plague which leaves the sole
        survivor finally even more isolated than Frankenstein or his Creature. The shift
        of the locale into the future (the "tale of the future" becomes six
        times more frequent after 1800) translates Mary's usual Gothic background into a
        black SF anticipation, already adumbrated in several works that followed
        the debacle of 18th-century hopes and often posited a new ice age (Grainville's
        poem Le dernier homme, 1805; the "romance-in-futurity" Last
          Men, 1806; Byron's poem "Darkness"; etc.). This makes The Last
            Man a precursor of the SF "physics of alienation" from Poe to The
              Time Machine and beyond. But Frankenstein remains her permanent
        contribution, claiming for SF the concern for a personal working out of
        overriding sociological and scientific dilemmas. It compromised with horror-fantasy
        taste by returning these dilemmas largely to biology, thus announcing the
        legions of menacing aliens and androids from Wells and Capek on. Yet the stress
        on sympathy and responsibility for the Creature transcends the sensational
        murders and purple patches of Mary's own novel and most SF writing on this theme
        (not to mention the Hollywood movies which revert to one-dimensional Gothic
        monsters). The urgency in Frankenstein, situated in an exotic present,
        interweaves intimate reactions with social destiny, enthusiasm for Promethean
        science with a feeling for its human results, and marries the exploratory SF
        parable with the (still somewhat shaky) tradition of the novel. This indicated
        the way SF would go in meeting the challenge of the cruel times, and of Swift's
        great question about man—relocated into body and history.
      However, the way proved long and thorny. A number of scattered
        SF writings appeared in Europe in the 1830s and 1840s with the revival of
        utopian expectations and Romantic dreams. In Russia, V. Odoevsky wrote a mild
        anticipation, The Year 4338.9 In France, Souvestre disguised a
        sermon on the immorality of mechanized progress, which had torn down the old
        pieties and would therefore be destroyed by God, as possibly the first
        anti-utopian anticipation in The World as It Shall Be (1846), and Cabet
        disguised an authoritarian version of Fourier and Owen as fiction in A
          Journey to Icaria, (1840), both only less insipid than Lamartine's liberal
        United Europe of France and England (1843). As a last interesting echo of
        the 1848 wave, C.I. DEFONTENAY revived in Star (1854) the planetary novel
        with a vivid description, in prose mixed with verse, of a whole planetary system
        with different man-like species, their physics, politics, and ethics. A utopian
        humanism and sensibility, which created even samples of Starian literature,
        vivifies his narration of their history, passing through a cosmic exodus and
        return—a lone work looking forward to Stapledon. In Britain, J.F. Bray's A
          Voyage From Utopia,10 halfway between Owen and Bellamy, attempted
        to merge Swiftian techniques with radical egalitarian propaganda. Utopias in the
        U.S.A., which had been published since the turn of the century, also gave some
        signs of reviving. But tries at colonies such as Cabet's and the Brook Farm
        failed, and the distance from—indeed enmity to—the everyday world increased
        in the North American writers of the mid-19th century. Living in the country
        where the bourgeois way of life progressed most rapidly, they recoiled from its
        optimism most thoroughly, and came to treat the wondrous novelty not in terms of
        Prometheus the revolutionary, but in terms of Faust, the over-reacher who sold
        his soul to the Devil and whom Goethe had already adopted as symbol of the
        permanent dynamism accompanying the bourgeois. The most prominent of such
        recoilers were Hawthorne, Melville, and Poe. The first often used allegorical
        fantasy, the second a more or less imaginary voyage, and the third both. In some
        cases, admittedly marginal to the ensemble of their works, their fictions
        bordered on or passed into SF.
      One of the strong American literary traditions was that of the
        world supplying moral symbols for the writer, and in particular of the
        adventurous voyage as an inner quest. It flowed from various updatings of Pilgrim's
          Progress, from Morgan's History of the Kingdom of Basaruah (1715) to
        C.B. Brown, Irving (whose History of New York, 1809, has a satirical SF
        sketch, midway between Voltaire and Wells, of Lunarians dealing with Earthmen as
        Whites did with Indians), and Cooper (who wrote two rather bad satirico-utopian
        novels) and it culminated in Hawthorne's fiction as the working out of a
        hypothesis with a symbolically collective rather than individualist main
        character. In short, there was almost "no major 19th-century American
        writer of fiction, and indeed few of the second rank, who did not write some SF
        or at least one utopian romance."11 HAWTHORNE usually
        equivocates between the natural and the supernatural, so that the hypnotism and
        other controlling influences in his major romances are never more than an
        undercurrent. Even in the stories that turn on the scientist-artist, the
        somewhat melodramatic allegory suggests that his Faustian urge is unnatural—at
        worst criminal, as in "The Birthmark," and at best useless except for
        his inner satisfaction, as in "The Artist of the Beautiful." Only in
        "Rappaccini's Daughter" (1846) is Hawthorne prepared to envisage a
        counter-creation for a moment on its own merits. Though Beatrice is not given as
        spirited a defense as Frankenstein's Creature, she is at least an innocently
        wronged alien who exercises considerable passionate attraction—rather similar
        to the Fourierist ideas that Hawthorne was to renounce as senseless and wicked
        after his Brook Farm experience, itself comparable to a poisoned Eden. But
        finally, her father's revolutionary creation is dismissed in an ending more akin
        to exorcism than to SF.
      On the contrary, POE took to an exemplary extreme both the
        autonomy of his imaginary worlds and the isolation of the individual who does
        not relate to a coherent community but to some metaphysical principle. Poe was
        more exposed than Hawthorne to a civilization that was finding the artist
        unnecessary except as a leisure-time entertainer for marginal social strata.
        History and society meant to him merely a rapidly expanding "dollar-manufacture,"
        a hateful democracy or Mob rule, so that his protagonist—raising the stakes in
        comparison with the revolts of the first Romantic generation—ignores almost
        all human interaction, not only in politics and work but also in sex and
        knowledge. Science, technology, and all knowledge have become Mephistophelean
        instead of Promethean powers, fascinating but leading only to dead-ends and
        destruction: "Poe confronts and represents, as few authors before him, the
        alienated and alienating quality of the technological environment."12
      
        Therefore he constructed a compensatory fantasy-world
        connecting an exacerbated inner reality directly to the universe. But this
        fantasy is a kind of photographic negative of his environment. Feeling is
        dissociated from the intelligence and will that normally acted upon a socially
        recognizable reality, and a subjective timelessness (indeed a dream or nightmare-time)
        or instant apprehension of horror efface any objectively measurable progress of
        time: personality and consciousness are here disintegrating. In the actuality
        "time-keeping had merged with record-keeping in the art of
        communication."13
      
        Poe, the first significant figure in this tradition to live
        from commercial work for periodicals (even writing a story to fit a magazine
        illustration, as often in present-day SF), concentrated on the obstacles to
        communication. To him it is a maze of masks, hoaxes and cryptograms, exemplified
        by the recurrent manuscript in a bottle, falsely sent or mysteriously received,
        revealing truth ambiguously if at all.
      Most of Poe's tales existing within the horizons of terror, of
        flight from life and time, are horror-fantasies pretending to a private
        supernatural reality which is in fact based upon pre-scientific lore. In this
        light, Poe is the originator of what is least mature in the writing commercially
        peddled as SF—an adolescent combination of hysterical sensibility and
        sensational violence, and dissociation of symbol from imaginative consistency of
        any (even imaginary) world, a vague intensity of style used for creepy
        incantation. His protagonist is often "the perpetual American boy-man...[who]
        must, to express himself, go above, or away from, or beyond our commoner range
        of experience."14 T.S. Eliot, acknowledging his "very
        exceptional mind and sensibility," has even suggested that Poe's intellect
        was that "of a highly gifted young person before puberty."15
        Though this may not be fair to Poe, who at his best knew how to present his
        limitations with ironic distancing, it accurately pinpoints the emotional age of
        his imitators in the No-Man's-Land of fantasy passed off as SF from Haggard and
        Lovecraft to Bradbury and further.
      Three groups of Poe's works have a more direct claim to
        attention in this survey: those marginally using some SF conventions, those
        using SF for comic comment or ideological revelation, and the cosmological
        speculations. The first group comprises the poem "Al Aaraaf," the
        dialogues "Eiros and Charmion" (which mentions the destruction of
        Earth by a comet-caused conflagration) and "The Power of Words," and
        the tales of oceanic descent culminating in The Narrative of Arthur Gordon
          Pym (1838). Pym appropriates the extraordinary-voyage tradition for a
        metaphysical (and in the Tsalal episode passably racist) quest for purity or the
        unknown, presents an interesting use of correspondences between the world and
        the protagonist, and possibly ends with the Pole being an entrance to the hollow
        earth popularized in Symzonia (1820). The second group features
        anticipations like balloon-flights across the Atlantic and to the Moon or
        suspended animation (in "The Balloon Hoax," "The Unparalleled
        Adventures of One Hans Pfaall," "Some Words With a Mummy," "Mellonta
        Tauta," "Van Kempelen and His Discovery") as hoaxes or satires on
        present-day certainties of progress; it includes in "The Man That Was Used
        Up" (1840) the first instance of a man almost totally composed of
        artificial organs. The most substantial among them, "Pfaall" (1840)
        and "Mellonta Tauta" (1850) are most strongly science-fictional. The
        interplanetary flight prepared by an amateur inventor in his back yard, the
        verisimilar flight perils and observations, and the glimpses of grotesque yet
        kindred aliens in the first story gave the cue to much later space-travel SF.
        More subtly, so did the future inventions, political satire, and cultural
        incomprehension of the reader's times in the second story (as also,
        retrospectively, in "The Thousand and Second Tale of Scheherazade") to
        later time-travel SF. The three "mesmeric tales" culminating in the
        scientifically motivated horrors of "The Facts in the Case of M. Valdemar"
        (1845), whether used for revelation of Poe's cosmology or tongue-in-cheek
        sensationalism, are ancillary to his fantastic system of correspondences.
        Finally, Eureka (1848), his crowning piece of essayistic SF, explicates
        this highly heretical, complex web of analogies and conversions by which in Poe
        life does not end with death, sentience is not confined to organic matter,
        cosmogony is analogous to individual sensibility and creativity (see "The
        Power of Words"), and the universe is God's coded monologue. Such
        mechanistic metaphysics lead finally to solipsism: whatever the writer can
        imagine is as good as created, and conversely all that is created is imagined.
        No wonder he appealed to later lonely writers.
      Poe's influence has been immense in both Anglo-American and
        French SF (the latter has yet to recover from it). Though his ideology and time-horizon
        tend to horror-fantasy forms, the pioneering incompleteness of his work provided
        SF with a wealth of hints for fusing the rational with the symbolical, such as
        his techniques of gradual domestication of the extraordinary, and of the
        "half-closed eye" estrangement just glimpsing the extraordinary. With
        Poe, the tradition of the moral quest became urbanized, escapist, and
        unorthodox. His influence encompasses on the one hand the mechanical marvels of
        Verne and the dime novels, and on the other the escapist strain in some of the
        "straightest" U.S. SF, e.g., Heinlein's time-travelling solipsism.
        Both are blended in the Wellsian grotesque tradition, from some of Wells's
        cumulations of believable terrors to, say, the symbolical tales of Blish or
        Knight. Poe's notes stressing verisimilitude, analogy, and probability for the
        wondrous story made him also the first theoretician of SF.
      MELVILLE's whole opus is a "major contribution to the
        literature of created societies,"16 for he had an ingrained
        tendency to expand almost any subject into an allegorical microcosm of its own,
        and he took the Faustian quest more seriously than Hawthorne and less
        necrophiliacally than Poe. Mardi (1849), though somewhat formless, is an
        iconoclastic "extraordinary voyage" among islands of unsatisfactory
        mythologies, politics, and philosophies which blends Rabelais with memories of
        Polynesia. "The Tartarus of Maids," a revulsion against industrial and
        sexual exploitation of women, with sexual physiology masked as factory
        organization, is on the margins of SF by virtue of its sustained parallel
        between production of babies and that of paper. Most interestingly, in "The
        Bell-Tower" (1856), the, "practical materialist" merchant-mechanician
        protagonist, "enriched through commerce with the Levant," rising as a
        new force in a feudal society and raising his tower with the clock and the
        "state-bell," is a potent symbol for rising capitalism and the
        emblematic American Liberty Bell. But his bell has been cast with an admixture
        of workman's blood, and the automaton created by him to be the bell's ringer,
        the "iron slave" who stands for all servitude from that of Negroes to
        that of workers, finally slays his master. The complex—even if not always
        congruous—religious, sexual, and political symbolism make this the nearest
        that mid-century narrative-prose SF has come to a Blakean approach. The American
        SF story continued to be well represented into the second half of the 19th
        century, as in some stories by Fitz-James O'Brien culminating in the somber tale
        of microscopic fatality and elective affinity, "The Diamond Lens"
        (1858). But O'Brien was killed in the Civil War, and the ensuing Gilded Age was
        not propitious to sustained SF, which would revive only with Bellamy.
      Thus the period that opened with universal anticipations of
        liberation, with Blake's and Shelley's rhapsodies, found its central expression
        in the anguished immediacy of Frankenstein's costly failure, and ended in the
        symbolic gloom of representative creators from what began as liberty's first and
        last frontier but turned out to be a liberty Bell cracked by the blood of the
        toilers. As Wordsworth precisely noted: "We poets in our youth begin in
        gladness; / But thereof comes despondency and madness" ("Resolution
        and Independence"). This can be used as a characterization of the age more
        than of the poets it moulded, turning them from Shelley's unacknowledged
        legislating to Melville's passionate witnessing.
      NOTES
      1I have discussed this approach to SF in "On
        the Poetics of the Science Fiction Genre," College English
        34(1972):372-82, and "Science Fiction and the Genological Jungle," Genre
        6(1973):251-73. For Bertolt Brecht's practice and theory of estrangement, see Brecht
          on Theatre, ed. and tr. John Willett (NY 1964), especially pp 96 and 192
        (where Verfremdung, "estrangement," is wrongly translated as
        "alienation").
      2For Lucian's influence down to Rabelais and
        Voltaire, see John E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship (Cambridge
        1903-08) and Basil L. Gildersleeve, Essays and Studies (Baltimore 1908).
      3Georg Lukács, History and Class Consciousness (Boston
        1971), p 90, and the whole essay-chapter "The Phenomenon of
        Reification" on pp 83 seqq. For the epistemological shift from spatial to
        temporal imagination see also the insights in Capital and other writings
        by Marx, developed by Lukács as well as by Ernst Bloch, Das Prinzip Hoffnung
        I-II (Frankfurt 1959) Lewis Mumford, Technics and Civilization (NY and
        Burlingame 1963), and Edmund Wilson, To the Finland Station (1940).
      
         
      
4All the dates in the body of this
  essay are for first book publication.
      
        
      
      5H.N. Brailsford, Shelley,
        Godwin, and Their Circle (L 1930), p 221.
      
        
      
      6Carl Grabo, A Newton Among
        Poets (Chapel Hill 1930), p 198.
      
        
      
      7Michel Foucault, The Order of
        Things (L 1970), p 278.
      
        
      
      8Mumford (Note 3), p 50.
      9Odoevsky's text, wiritten in 1837-39 as an
        epistolary novel, was never completed, presumably because of the dim prospects
        of its being published in Tsarist Russia, where only one fragment ever appeared
        (in the magazine "Utrennyaya Zarya" for 1840). It was first published
        in book form in 1926 (Moscow: Bibl. "Oronek").
      10Bray's book was written in 1840-41. A year later,
        the pressures on this radical labor leader and Chartist induced him to emigrate
        to the USA, and the book was first published only in 1957 (L: Lawrence and
        Wishart).
      11H. Bruce Franklin, Future Perfect: American
        Science Fiction of the Nineteenth Century (NY 1966), p x.
      
      
          
      
      
        
      
      12David Halliburton, Edgar
        Allan Poe (Princeton 1973), p 247.
      
        
      
      13Mumford (Note 3), p 136.
      
        
      
      14E.H. Davidson, Poe (Cambridge,
        Mass. 1957), p 214.
      15T.S. Eliot, in Eric W. Carlson, ed., The
        Recognition of Edgar Allan Poe (Ann Arbor 1966), pp 212-13.
      
        
      
      16Franklin (Note 11), p 135.
       
      ABSTRACT
      As opposed to naturalistic (mimetic or mundane) fiction,
        which aims at holding the mirror up to nature, SF is an estranged literary genre.
        The reason for its existence is a radically different, strange and estranging, newness.
        Certain other genres use the attitude of estrangement and are sometimes hybridized with
        SF, or confused with it. The mythological tale sees fixed, supernaturally determined
        relations under the flux of human fortunes. This mythical constancy is to SF an illusion,
        usually a fraud. Myth asks ahistorical questions about The Man and The World. SF asks:
        What kind of man? In what kind of world? Why such a man in such a world? Myth absolutizes
        apparently constant relationships from periods of sluggish social development. SF is
        committed to a cognitive and critical approach that is blood brother to the scientific
        method. If SF is defined by the interaction of cognition and estrangement—if it is a
        literature of possible and reasonable wonder or cognitive estrangement—it is
        fundamentally different from genres derived from myth such as the fairy tale, the horror
        story, and heroic fantasy, all of which are concerned with the irruption of anti-cognitive
        laws into the authors empirical environment. SF, on the other hand, shares with
        "naturalistic" fiction the basic rule that mans destiny is man. In SF,
        then, the radically different agents and scenes are still agents and scenes of the human
        world. The essay discusses poetry by Blake and Percy Shelley, and fiction by Mary Shelley,
        Poe, Mercier, Grainville, DeFontenay, Melville, and others. 
      
      
        
        
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